The process of establishing a new security structure in the Gulf should take into consideration the failures of the past and the political differences among GCC countries which have been impeding collective security in the Gulf. Collective security arrangements should consider the strategic circumstances that currently exist and the numerous security problems which have implications for security beyond the region itself. These include the Iraqi security situation, Iranian foreign policy and its nuclear and missile programmes, the stability of Yemen, borders disputes, and the deepening Sunni-Shia divide with its destabilising political and social effects on the region. Cooperation in the Gulf should not be limited to military aspects, but must also include economic development, counterterrorism, disaster response, environmental, social and cultural issues. Gulf States should institutionalise their security structures which is important for the establishment of a strong joint command needed to achieve collective security and prosperity and effectively leading to development and stability in the region.
In Syria, there is not expected to break out of the revolution of this magnitude. Most people of Syria before others did not expect that the revolution breaks out originally because the regime governs Syria in an oppressive security manner. The regime controls the situation that making it difficult of any popular movement. Political life is not existent in the country. There are no civil society organizations and trade unions are not real and not real parties or political groupings, making it difficult with the outbreak of the revolution in the country in such a dictatorship, security control, which controls everything in people's lives. So Syria was apparently outside the US and global thinking. It has been stated by some officials in America and has had their expectations outbreak of the revolution in Syria minimal because the global system was not ready to abandon the Assad regime because the regime is better for them. However, the revolution in Syria broke out, caught and swept across the country, confusing international systems that were not planning to substitute for the Syrian regime. The Syrian regime is no doubt that one of the major hubs in the region.
In Syria, there is not expected to break out of the revolution of this magnitude. Most people of Syria before others did not expect that the revolution breaks out originally because the regime governs Syria in an oppressive security manner. The regime controls the situation that making it difficult of any popular movement. Political life is not existent in the country. There are no civil society organizations and trade unions are not real and not real parties or political groupings, making it difficult with the outbreak of the revolution in the country in such a dictatorship, security control, which controls everything in people's lives. So Syria was apparently outside the US and global thinking. It has been stated by some officials in America and has had their expectations outbreak of the revolution in Syria minimal because the global system was not ready to abandon the Assad regime because the regime is better for them. However, the revolution in Syria broke out, caught and swept across the country, confusing international systems that were not planning to substitute for the Syrian regime. The Syrian regime is no doubt that one of the major hubs in the region.
Palestinian society is geographically separated and politically fragmented. This is attributed to partisan affiliation and alignment, absence of conceptual and professional framework of civil society, unethical approach of Palestinian political leaders, and unconstitutional political institutions. Such polarization and division have created political antagonism within elites and between factions. The broad objective of this research is to investigate the legitimacy crisis in Palestine, the current political dilemma in the Palestinian Authority, and the public response to the situation. The research introduces direct and thorough understanding of the developing political context surrounding these issues; taking into consideration that growing deficit in legitimacy could create potentially dire consequences, particularly if present trends on the ground continue. The research promotes an analytical perspective based on legitimacy theory and exploring recent public opinion polls.
الملخص : الهدف العام لهذا البحث هو دراسة تأثير الأزمة الدستورية الحالية في السلطة الفلسطينية على الخدمات المقدمة للجمهور في قطاع غزة في مرفق القضاء وتحليل استجابات السياسات والاستراتيجيات التي اعتمدتها الحكومة في غزة لمعالجة الحالة الطارئة السائدة. هذا البحث يستعرض التجربة العملية للحكومة الفلسطينية في غزة خلال العامين الماضيين لإدارة الأزمة، ويقدم بعض الافتراضات السياسية والمجتمعية والقانونية. هذا البحث يتناول مدى التطور في الخدمات المقدمة من السلطة القضائية في قطاع غزة، وخاصة منذ يونيو 2007. لذلك سيتناول الفصل الأول خلفية موجزة عن القضاء الفلسطيني، خاصة في قطاع غزة. أما الفصل الثاني فيتحدث عن مدى التكامل في عمل المؤسسات العامة ومنها مرافق السلطة القضائية والتي خضعت للتعطيل من خلال استنكاف الموظفين العموميين في أعقاب تولي حركة حماس السلطة في غزة بعد أحداث يونيو 2007. الفصل الثالث من هذا البحث يتولى دراسة كيفية التعامل مع العزلة الاقتصادية المفروضة على قطاع غزة وتأثرها على عمل المحاكم والقضاة، في حين أن الفصل الرابع يستكشف كيف تعاملت الحكومة في غزة مع التحديات المختلفة. وأما الفصل الأخير فيقدم بعض وجهات النظر لرؤية طويلة الأجل للسلطة القضائية التي يمكن قراءتها من أداء حركة حماس في السلطة. Abstract : The broad objective of this research is to investigate the impact of the current constitutional crisis in the Palestinian Authority (PA) on the services offered to the public in the Gaza Strip in the judiciary and analyse the policy responses and strategies adopted by the Hamas government to tackle the prevailing state of emergency. This research reviews the empirical experience of the Gaza Government (GG) during the last two years of crisis-management, and deducts some assumptions of Hamas's political and domestic priorities. This research investigates the progress of the judicial sector in the Gaza Strip, particularly since June 2007. The chapter will, first, give a brief background to the judiciary in Gaza. Second, it addresses the question of to what extent the judiciary has been subject to institutional discontinuity and disruption following the Hamas takeover or to what extent previous practice and norms have been upheld in spite of the crisis. The third part is dealing with how the economic isolation of Gaza has affected the court system, while the fourth part explores how Hamas has coped with the various challenges to its rule in Gaza. Finally, the chapter offers some views on what sort of long-term vision for the judiciary that can be read out of Hamas's performance in power.
Palestinian society is geographically separated and politically fragmented. This is attributed to partisan affiliation and alignment, absence of conceptual and professional framework of civil society, unethical approach of Palestinian political leaders, and unconstitutional political institutions. Such polarization and division have created political antagonism within elites and between factions. The broad objective of this research is to investigate the legitimacy crisis in Palestine, the current political dilemma in the Palestinian Authority, and the public response to the situation. The research introduces direct and thorough understanding of the developing political context surrounding these issues; taking into consideration that growing deficit in legitimacy could create potentially dire consequences, particularly if present trends on the ground continue. The research promotes an analytical perspective based on legitimacy theory and exploring recent public opinion polls.
Anys després que acabés el règim de l'apartheid a Sud-àfrica i la reforma democràtica d'Indonèsia, l'Orient Mitjà i el nord d'Àfrica estan començant a canviar políticament. Les revoltes populars que s'estan propagant per la regió van començar a Tunis el desembre de 2010 i a Egipte el 25 de gener de 2011. Aquestes sublevacions no són el resultat d'intervencions estrangeres ni un efecte secundari de plans no nacionals, sinó que sorgeixen més aviat a partir dels joves que volen poder decidir el seu futur. La generació més jove vol recuperar la seva llibertat, els drets humans i la dignitat, i vol estar políticament representada en el govern dels seus països. En exigir i provocar canvis i reformes, han aportat una vitalitat i una determinació renovades a la democràcia en molts estats de la regió. També han donat unes lliçons molt valuoses que cal aprendre, tant pels aspectes positius com pels negatius. Cal subratllar aquestes lliçons, i també cal que els nous actors emergents de l'escena política de la regió tinguin accés a aquest coneixement. ; Years after the end of the apartheid regime in South Africa and the democratic reform in Indonesia, the Middle East and North Africa are beginning to change politically. The current popular uprisings sweeping across the region began in Tunisia in December 2010 and in Egypt on 25 January 2011. These uprisings are not the product of foreign interventions or a side-effect of non-domestic agendas. Rather, they are concerned with young men and women who are determined to take their future into their own hands. The younger generation wants their freedom, human rights, and dignity back, and they want to be politically represented in the governance of their countries. As they call for and usher in change and reform, they have brought a renewed vitality and insistence on democracy in many states across the region. They have also raised valuable lessons to be learned, both positively and negatively. These lessons need to be underlined and access to that knowledge should be available for the new emerging actors on the political stage in the region. ; Años después del final del régimen del apartheid en Sudáfrica y de la reforma democrática de Indonesia, Oriente Medio y el norte de África están empezando a cambiar políticamente. Las revueltas populares que se están propagando por la región empezaron en Túnez en diciembre del 2010 y en Egipto el 25 de enero del 2011. Estas sublevaciones no son resultado de intervenciones extranjeras ni un efecto secundario de planes no nacionales, sino que más bien surgen a partir de los jóvenes que quieren tener poder de decisión sobre su futuro. La generación más joven quiere recuperar su libertad, los derechos humanos y la dignidad, y desea sentirse políticamente representada en el gobierno de sus países. Al exigir y provocar cambios y reformas, han aportado una vitalidad y una obstinación renovadas a la democracia en muchos estados de la región. También han planteado unas lecciones muy valiosas que hay que aprender, tanto por lo positivo como por lo negativo. Es necesario subrayar estas lecciones, y los nuevos actores emergentes de la escena política de la región deben tener acceso a este conocimiento. ; Quelques années après la fin du régime de l'apartheid en Afrique du Sud et de la réforme démocratique en Indonésie, le Moyen-Orient et l'Afrique du Nord commencent à changer de politique. Les révoltes populaires qui se propagent dans la région ont commencé en Tunisie au mois de décembre 2010 et en Egypte le 25 janvier 2011. Ces soulèvements ne sont pas le résultat d'interventions étrangères ni un effet secondaire de plans non nationaux, ils surgissent des jeunes qui veulent obtenir un pouvoir de décision sur leur avenir. La plus jeune génération veut récupérer sa liberté, les droits de l'homme et la dignité, et veut se sentir politiquement représentée dans le gouvernement de son pays. En exigeant et en provoquant des changements et des réformes, ils ont apporté une vitalité et une obstination rénovées à la démocratie dans de nombreux états de la région. Ils ont également donné de très utiles leçons qu'il faut apprendre, autant sur le plan positif que négatif. Il est nécessaire de souligner ces leçons, et les nouveaux acteurs émergeants de la scène politique doivent avoir accès à cette connaissance.
The role of Omani diplomacy is visible in promoting its foreign policy and fulfilling the Sultan's vision. Since 1970, Oman adopted a different foreign policy in both regional and international arenas characterized by independence, pragmatism, and moderation. This approach was reshaped after Sultan Qaboos bin Said seized rule. His first order of business was to accelerate the steps towards modernizing the Sultanate by adopting a nation-wide social, educational, and cultural reform often referred to as the Omani Renaissance. To translate the Sultan's vision to reality, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) has adopted a well-structured mechanism that will enhance diplomatic relations with various countries of the world. This research highlights Oman's diplomacy strategy post-1970. It focuses on Oman's foreign policy doctrine and examines the different categories of diplomacy that have been practiced in achieving Oman's foreign policy. The research includes the following types of diplomacy: official, mediation, tolerance and co-existence, economy, cultural, water, poet, aviation, and non-governmental diplomacy. This paper attempts to contribute to academia by providing a comprehensive outlook on Oman's diplomacy, focusing on this topic from a practical point of view. It presents Omani diplomacy through dialogue and negotiations. It assembles a clear direction for the reader based on information, including personal communication with Omani diplomats.
Since 1970, Oman adopted a different foreign policy in both regional and international arenas characterized by independence, pragmatism, and moderation. This approach was reshaped after Sultan Qaboos bin Said seized rule. His first order of business was to accelerate the steps towards modernizing the Sultanate by adopting a nation-wide social, educational, and cultural reform often referred to as the Omani Renaissance. To translate the Sultan's vision to reality, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) has adopted a well-structured mechanism that will enhance diplomatic relations with various countries of the world. This research highlights Oman's diplomacy strategy post-1970. It focuses on Oman's foreign policy doctrine and examines the different categories of diplomacy that have been practiced in achieving Oman's foreign policy. The research includes the following types of diplomacy: official, mediation, tolerance and co-existence, economy, cultural, water, poet, aviation, and non-governmental diplomacy.
The role of Omani diplomacy is visible in promoting its foreign policy and fulfilling the Sultan's vision. Since 1970, Oman adopted a different foreign policy in both regional and international arenas characterized by independence, pragmatism, and moderation. This approach was reshaped after Sultan Qaboos bin Said seized rule. His first order of business was to accelerate the steps towards modernizing the Sultanate by adopting a nation-wide social, educational, and cultural reform often referred to as the Omani Renaissance.To translate the Sultan's vision to reality, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) has adopted a well-structured mechanism that will enhance diplomatic relations with various countries of the world. This research highlights Oman's diplomacy strategy post-1970. It focuses on Oman's foreign policy doctrine and examines the different categories of diplomacy that have been practiced in achieving Oman's foreign policy. The research includes the following types of diplomacy: official, mediation, tolerance and co-existence, economy, cultural, water, poet, aviation, and non-governmental diplomacy. This paper attempts to contribute to academia by providing a comprehensive outlook on Oman's diplomacy, focusing on this topic from a practical point of view. It presents Omani diplomacy through dialogue and negotiations. It assembles a clear direction for the reader based on information, including personal communication with Omani diplomats. Since 1970, Oman adopted a different foreign policy in both regional and international arenas characterized by independence, pragmatism, and moderation. This approach was reshaped after Sultan Qaboos bin Said seized rule. His first order of business was to accelerate the steps towards modernizing the Sultanate by adopting a nation-wide social, educational, and cultural reform often referred to as the Omani Renaissance.To translate the Sultan's vision to reality, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) has adopted a well-structured mechanism that will enhance diplomatic relations with various countries of the world. This research highlights Oman's diplomacy strategy post-1970. It focuses on Oman's foreign policy doctrine and examines the different categories of diplomacy that have been practiced in achieving Oman's foreign policy. The research includes the following types of diplomacy: official, mediation, tolerance and co-existence, economy, cultural, water, poet, aviation, and non-governmental diplomacy.
This research seeks to study the role of military bases in activating defense diplomacy, with a focus on studying the case of France in the African continent, which relied on its military bases as a tool to implement its foreign policy. The research explains the concept of defense diplomacy and its relationship to military bases as an effective tool to strengthening bilateral relations between the state's parties. The research focuses on studying the effectiveness of military bases as a tool for activating French defense diplomacy, and studying the goals that French foreign policy seeks to achieve through its intervention or presence in the African continent. In addition to the geopolitical reasons that prompted France to move towards the African continent and plant its military bases. In order to complete this study and achieve its objectives, it adopts the historical approach and the descriptive analytical approach to search documents and studies related to the interpretation of French political behavior in the African continent. The study concludes that France is keen to protect its interests and achieve its external goals by employing various tools, including defensive diplomacy represented in its military bases in the lands of other countries. It also concludes that the nature of the historical stage that France went through and the exploitation of its bases and military presence in implementing its higher interests at the expense of the African people led to the failure of French foreign policy in African countries
The participation of private and military contractors in armed conflicts is the contemporary phenomenon that concerned policymakers and military strategists, particularly Russian contractors. This phenomenon attracts most politicians to set up initiatives and to draw international guidelines to all concerned parties. The purpose of this research paper is to investigate the condition of Russian private military and security companies (PMSCs) in recent armed conflicts. The research is based on the realism approach, which will help explain Russian state behavior towards PMSCs, while the neoliberalism approach will help to explore this phenomenon from the Russian economic perspective. This research applies inductive, exploratory, and qualitative approaches, which solely based on secondary resources and media contents. The main finding of this research shows that those contractors have obligations under International Humanitarian Law (IHL), but the only limitation is the state's obligation to endorse them. Besides, it seems that an international treaty between countries could be a practical step towards having a useful regulatory framework.
Following the Arab Spring in 2011, Yemen's devastating conflicts have deepened even further, leading the country to be the world's worst humanitarian crisis. Despite the international community's multiple attempts to resolve this conflict, the conflict seems to have reached a stalemate. To make matters worse, resolving the conflict is made difficult by the large number of parties involved, internally and externally, and by the complex, dual and fluid nature of the relationships they share. Although the media and international community's focus is directed towards the binary conflict between the Hadi government and Saudi Arabia on one side and Iran and the Houthis on the other, the conflict is greatly multifaceted and far from being binary. This paper critically analyzes and explores other participating actors to comprehend the root causes of the conflict entirely. Although this conflict has been advertised as a proxy war, while others trace back the motivation to sectarianism, this paper argues how this analysis can be misleading and hindering the peace process.
